And so the Free Town Project began. The libertarians expected to be greeted as liberators, but from the first town meeting, they faced the inconvenient reality that many of Graftonâs presumably freedom-loving citizens saw them as outsiders first, and compatriots secondâif at all. Tensions flared further when a little Googling revealed what âfreedomâ entailed for some of the new colonists. One of the original masterminds of the plan, a certain Larry Pendarvis, had written of his intention to create a space honoring the freedom to âtraffic organs, the right to hold duels, and the God-given, underappreciated right to organize so-called bum fights.â He had also bemoaned the persecution of the âvictimless crimeâ that is âconsensual cannibalism.â (âLogic is a strange thing,â observes Hongoltz-Hetling.)
And so the Free Towners spent years pursuing an aggressive program of governmental takeover and delegitimation, their appetite for litigation matched only by their enthusiasm for cutting public services. They slashed the townâs already tiny yearly budget of $1 million by 30 percent, obliged the town to fight legal test case after test case, and staged absurd, standoffish encounters with the sheriff to rack up YouTube hits. Grafton was a poor town to begin with, but with tax revenue dropping even as its population expanded, things got steadily worse. Potholes multiplied, domestic disputes proliferated, violent crime spiked, and town workers started going without heat. âDespite several promising efforts,â Hongoltz-Hetling dryly notes, âa robust Randian private sector failed to emerge to replace public services.â Instead, Grafton, âa haven for miserable people,â became a town gone âferal.â Enter the bears, stage right.
What was the deal with Graftonâs bears? Hongoltz-Hetling investigates the question at length, probing numerous hypotheses for why the creatures have become so uncharacteristically aggressive, indifferent, intelligent, and unafraid. Is it the lack of zoning, the resulting incursion into bear habitats, and the reluctance of Graftonites to pay for, let alone mandate, bear-proof garbage bins? Might the bears be deranged somehow, perhaps even disinhibited and emboldened by toxoplasmosis infections, picked up from eating trash and pet waste from said unsecured bins? There can be no definitive answer to these questions, but one thing is clear: The libertarian social experiment underway in Grafton was uniquely incapable of dealing with the problem. âFree Towners were finding that the situations that had been so easy to problem-solve in the abstract medium of message boards were difficult to resolve in person.â>
Grappling with what to do about the bears, the Graftonites also wrestled with the arguments of certain libertarians who questioned whether they should do anything at allâespecially since several of the town residents had taken to feeding the bears, more or less just because they could. One woman, who prudently chose to remain anonymous save for the sobriquet âDoughnut Lady,â revealed to Hongoltz-Hetling that she had taken to welcoming bears on her property for regular feasts of grain topped with sugared doughnuts. If those same bears showed up on someone elseâs lawn expecting similar treatment, that wasnât her problem. The bears, for their part, were left to navigate the mixed messages sent by humans who alternately threw firecrackers and pastries at them. Such are the paradoxes of Freedom. Some people just âdonât get the responsibility side of being libertarians,â Rosalie Babiarz tells Hongoltz-Hetling, which is certainly one way of framing the problem.
I bet you could have a small community like the anarchist commune in Denmark - call the guiding philosophy anarchism, left-libertarianism, small c communism, whatever you want - and end up with a very similar working result. People just figuring out the rules as they go along - trying to give each other as much freedom as possible while still having some kind of order, basic services, and not step on each otherâs toes.
Libertopians otoh - who just donât like to pay taxes or obey rules but still magically want all the good stuff - are a fantasy that only works on message boards and tends to attract horrible, selfish people. So of course theyâre never going to work out.
If you want to live somewhere where your nearest neighbor is a mile away you can be a egoistic libertarian, but if you want to live in a town/community and have it work as a town/community then you need to either be part of making it a community or just submit to leadership.
Yeah for sure. Small communes seem like the best solution to maximize human happiness - if you can make them work.
Of course to some degree youâre still piggy-backing on mass top-down civilization - assuming you want modern medicine, iphones, etc. and you kind of need to either be in the protective bubble of a country or have no resources worth stealing.
For some reason you keep pimping this âsmall communityâ crap. How about cutting that shit out. Since you have no idea what you are talking about, and have even less interest in educating yourself⊠why do you feel this continuing need to spew gibberish you just plain make up?
I think thereâs a lot to the small community (Dunbarâs Number) and the best organization is affiliations/coalitions/confederations of independent small groups - even in large cities. Murray Bookchin, the writer most inflential on the Rojava Revolution, didnât necessarily think organization would stem from quite so small groups, but sometimes, and what he called municipalism.
And Rojava is maybe 1/3rd collectivized and the Spanish Anarchist Revolution was pretty fucked up within year by the communists.
Moreover, the democratic spirit of the militias made them breeding-grounds for revolutionary ideas. The Communists were well aware of this, and inveighed ceaselessly and bitterly against the P.O.U.M. and Anarchist principle of equal pay for all ranks. A general âbourgeoisificationâ, a deliberate destruction of the equalitarian spirit of the first few months of the revolution, was taking place. All happened so swiftly that people making successive visits to Spain at intervals of a few months have declared that they seemed scarcely to be visiting the same country; what had seemed on the surface and for a brief instant to be a workersâ State was changing before oneâs eyes into an ordinary bourgeois republic with the normal division into rich and poor. By the autumn of 1937 the âSocialistâ NegrĂn was declaring in public speeches that âwe respect private propertyâ, and members of the Cortes who at the beginning of the war had had to fly the country because of their suspected Fascist sympathies were returning to Spain.
But besides all this there was the startling change in the social atmosphere â a thing difficult to conceive unless you have actually experienced it. When I first reached Barcelona I had thought it a town where class distinctions and great differences of wealth hardly existed. Certainly that was what it looked like. âSmartâ clothes were an abnormality, nobody cringed or took tips, waiters and flower-women and bootblacks looked you in the eye and called you âcomradeâ. I had not grasped that this was mainly a mixture of hope and camouflage. The working class believed in a revolution that had been begun but never consolidated, and the bourgeoisie were scared and temporarily disguising themselves as workers. In the first months of revolution there must have been many thousands of people who deliberately put on overalls and shouted revolutionary slogans as a way of saving their skins. Now things were returning to normal. The smart restaurants and hotels were full of rich people wolfing expensive meals, while for the working-class population food-prices had jumped enormously without any corresponding rise in wages. Apart from the expensiveness of everything, there were recurrent shortages of this and that, which, of course, always hit the poor rather than the rich.
And onto regions, as in revolutionary Spain and Rojava. In Spain, the plan was to âhive offâ autonomous departments from large business enterprises to get the numbers down in each group⊠a plan stillborn as the fascists won the civil war.
The takeaway point here, without wandering off into the weeds of horizonal theory, is thisâŠ
There is such theory, and practice, and history, and contemporary activism that could be discussed here on UnStuck. And it has absolutely nothing to do with the âracist anarchistsâ, or the ACers, or folks who âjust want to destroy and burn it all downâ, or Anarchy brand sun-glasses, or burning man, or small communes being all kumbaya, or pedophiles because ZOMG the shitty old Anarchy Magazine.