Maybe on their store brand stuff, but at the Rack 3XL is still a crap shoot, it isn’t as motivating as you think to have 3XL shirts in the closet that are “aspirational…”
Dunno about Corian or wood (is burning it better?), but almost all of my scraps are recyclable and I take them in. A lot of my scraps are aluminum and copper wire though so it pays to do it. The cardboard and steel are being subsidized.
Also, you’re throwing away like a 40 year old sink, not brand new stuff that just didn’t fit someone. Right?
My city’s dump is actually a waste to energy incinerator, which I assume is better than burying it? Maybe? I’m really not sure.
Yes, but often the stuff is a lot newer than that and there’s absolutely nothing wrong with it. Like every time I redo a bathroom people want a new white toilet to replace their old white toilet, and I’m not talking about some antique that uses 15 gallons a flush either. I’m throwing away things that are maybe 10-15 years old and work perfectly because ldo everything has to be new if you’re redoing the bathroom even if the new toilet is indistinguishable from the old one in every way.
And when it comes to leftover material, I’m tossing stuff that I absolutely know I’m going to end up buying again. But I’d have to build a warehouse to store it all.
I used to have 1000sf of warehouse space and it got me in a lot of trouble. My garage is insanely full. I’ve very very slowly been generally pulling more stuff out than I put in. It’s just like getting in debt. Quick to create a mess and slow to clean up.
And you don’t even need your garage as a garage. I do for 1/3rd of the year, unless I want to be shoveling feet of snow out of the bed of my truck. Every November I have to spend at least half a day playing 3D Tetris just to make room in there.
Four kinds of fragmentation have vexed the parties of the European left over the past 20 years, as they’ve vexed the Democratic Party in the United States as well. The first stems from the growing presence in those parties of urban upper-middle-class professionals, who are often at odds on cultural questions, broadly defined, with the parties’ more traditional and patriarchal working classes. The second is no stranger to the United States but is only now impacting Europe with the diminution (not sudden, but perceived as such) of many nations’ relative racial and religious homogeneity—defections from the left due to racism and nativism. The shift last night of England’s North from Labour to the Tories summoned memories of George Wallace’s surprising successes in Northern states in the Democratic primaries of 1964, heralding the end of the New Deal coalition and the subsequent electoral victories of Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan. The third fragmentation results from geographic divergence—with minorities and the culturally liberal young and professionals clustering in cities with large service sectors, while formerly industrial and rural areas, increasingly poor and elderly, experience both the reality and the sense of abandonment.
Underlying all three of these fragmentations is the de-linking of class interests: As globalization and financialization (the latter particularly pronounced in the U.K. and U.S.) have undermined the egalitarian achievements of the postwar era, parties of the center-left have been stretched ideologically, often to the breaking point. The ’90s saw Britain’s New Labour under Tony Blair, America’s Democrats under Bill Clinton, and Germany’s Social Democrats under Gerhard Schröder all move to globalize and deregulate their economies, to the benefit of those nations’ banking and corporate sectors and the detriment of their working-class voters. The collapse of 2008 and the hugely unequal recovery that followed has led to battles between the center-left and a more militant left in virtually every industrialized nation.
The AJC mapped Georgia’s 7 million registered voters and compared how distance to their local precincts increased or decreased from 2012 to 2018. During that time, county election officials shut down 8% of Georgia’s polling places and relocated nearly 40% of the state’s precincts.
Most of the precinct closures and relocations occurred after the U.S. Supreme Court in 2013 ended federal oversight of local election decisions under the Voting Rights Act.
The AJC’s analysis, vetted by two nonpartisan statistics experts, showed a clear link between turnout and reduced voting access. The farther voters live from their precincts, the less likely they are to cast a ballot.
Precinct closures and longer distances likely prevented an estimated 54,000 to 85,000 voters from casting ballots on Election Day last year, according to the AJC’s findings.
And the impact was greater on black voters than white ones, the AJC found. Black voters were 20% more likely to miss elections because of long distances.